The Election and the Far Right

The BNP only needs a slight improvement on its 2004 vote to be in with a chance of gaining MEPs. In the North West, where party leader Nick Griffin is standing, the BNP only needs to add 2% to its 2004 vote of 6.4% to be virtually guaranteed a seat. In Yorkshire and Humber and the West Midlands the BNP needs only a slightly bigger increase to secure seats.

[Source: Hope not Hate]

There are several other factors going in the BNP's favour: from the absence of all-postal ballots as there were in some regions in 2004 (which boosted turnout then); to the economic downturn; to the uncertain fortunes of UKIP; to the "plague on all your houses" mood in the wake of the MPs' expenses saga.

The threat from extremist parties is real. But so is the means to tackle it ..... ourselves, our communities, our workplaces, our friends and family. The higher the turnout, the harder it likely becomes for extremist parties to win seat. It really is a case of getting out the vote and raising that bar.

To maximise the effect of your vote against extremists:

Simply put, by casting your vote for a party other than an extremist one, you will have the desired effect of (i) voting for the party you believe in and (ii) counting against the chances of an extremist party winning a seat.

For those who want to make extra sure, there is some additional advice:

It is better to either vote for one of the main parties (to stop an extremist party taking one of their seats), or vote for a smaller party which has a chance of getting more votes than the extremist party (and so come above them in the order when seats are allocated).

Why campaigning across your region matters:

It is up to all of us to work for a higher turnout. But it is also for us to consider why it is that parties like the BNP are able to get the support that they do and why they have done well in particular areas. One of the reasons is that for too long voters in those areas have felt that mainstream political parties aren't listening to them or putting policies in place that would benefit them. This has created the political space for the BNP and others to come in and exploit the disaffection.

Tackling of extremism means taking the fight to such parties in all areas and all arenas. This election provides us that opportunity. The push by extremist parties for an MEP can be opposed by voters throughout each region. This means for example in the West Midlands competing in every ward, every borough and every county - including those where there has been lots of recent BNP activity (like Dudley, Stoke-on-Trent, Nuneaton and Bedworth) but also areas with diverse populations or communities with long anti-racist traditions. The same goes for every other region. Metropolitan areas are the often the key. In the North West, turnout in 2004 in Liverpool, Manchester and Salford was about five points below the average. These are places which have large ethnic minority and student populations; groups who may not have voted last time but need to be mobilised this time.

Voters, not systems:

No system gives parties seats; it is the action of voters that does.

Some people have an inaccurate perception that 'PR lets in extremists'. Our myth-busting section deals effectively with such claims.

PR systems reflect the strength of voter feeling: if enough people vote for a particular party, that party gets some representation. Representation; not power. There is a great difference between the two.

Voters in certain areas should already be keenly aware of how the BNP has been the beneficiary of certain aspects of our First-Past-the-Post system for council elections in recent years:

1. Barking and Dagenham

The BNP gained 12 council seats in Barking and Dagenham in 2006, despite polling fewer votes than the Conservatives, who only managed 1 councillor. The outcome completely skewered the wishes of the electorate and has had far-reaching consequences for the management and priorities of the Council. FPTP has allowed the BNP to become the official opposition in the council chambers. Voting reform would not prevent the BNP from gaining representation; no electoral system can do that. But a more proportional system would make it a lot harder for the BNP to gain a significant foothold anywhere, as they have already done in Barking and Dagenham, Burnley and other areas.

2. Epping Forest

In an Epping Forest council by-election on 30 August 2007, the BNP held onto their seat, but with only a 32.2% share of the vote. So over two-thirds of people who made the effort to vote, did so against the BNP yet our FPTP system has enabled an extremist minority to win again. Interestingly, the winning margin was smaller than the total Labour votes - so if those Labour voters had been able to transfer their preferences to the Residents Association candidate, BNP wouldn't have taken the seat.

3. Stoke-on-Trent

In a fractured seat (such as in Epping Forest) it is perfectly conceivable that a candidate from the far right could win a first past the post election with 20%-30% of the votes. This has happened in a number of places. One example is Abbey Ward, Stoke-on-Trent. There the BNP has won all 3 councillors, but on under a third of the vote share each time. This means that the two-thirds of the electorate who voted for candidates other than the BNP are not represented: they have no choice but to go to a BNP councillor if they have any local concerns.